Oozing cement has dried around the ancient inscriptions in the rock-cut tombs of Kharg Island, the strategic Persian Gulf outpost that could take center stage in Iranโ€™s war with the United States and Israel. With a maritime history dating back to the regionโ€™s earliest civilizations, the island was once a burial site for Palmyrene merchants, who used it as a hub for trade with the various polities that thrived in the Gulf region in the second century BC. These days, the island displays a different type of wealth, exhibiting the Iranian regimeโ€™s energy infrastructure and security reach. Ordinary citizens are prohibited from visiting Kharg, and it appears that all of its tiny civilian population has been evacuated. 

โ€œPointed stakeโ€ or โ€œfortified enclosureโ€ are both possible meanings of Khargโ€™s ancient name by scholarly accounts. Under the direction of the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC), the island has been reduced to both of these: a heavily guarded garrison seen as holding the key to the Islamic Republicโ€™s oil revenues as well as a strategic focal point of its military sway over the Persian Gulf. 

The island is also a microcosm of Iran under the current regime: Five decades ago, the Islamic Republic took over an industry built by an American oil company under the Pahlavi monarchy, damaged its architectural heritage, displaced most of its native population, and interred its rich cultural identity within a fortified shell. 

For the Islamic Republic, Kharg plays a poignant part in postrevolutionary lore. During the โ€œTanker Warโ€ toward the end of the Iran-Iraq War in 1987โ€“88, the island withstood months of Iraqi bombardment, but the threat of a US takeover of the island ultimately led Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to accept the โ€œpoisoned chaliceโ€ of a ceasefire. 

Since then, the IRGC has prohibited access to the island to anyone other than its few civilian residents, military personnel, and oil workers. Realizing Khargโ€™s strategic vulnerability, the IRGC has been restructuring the undersea pipelines and slowly diverting oil exports away from the island for decades, a former oil ministry employee who once lived on Kharg told Resanegar, Tehran Bureauโ€™s economic unit. In his view, a US attack on the island at this point would not have a significant impact on Iranโ€™s energy exports. He added that the IRGC has relocated Khargโ€™s entire civilian population to the mainland.

By other accounts, the regime continues to treat Kharg Island’s residents as hostages to its oil revenue. Iranโ€™s oil workers earn roughly $85โ€“115 per month in base wages, while the governmentโ€™s own economists say a family needs at least $650 per month to survive. Since the US militaryโ€™s bombardment of the island earlier this month, Kharg oil workers and engineers repeatedly requested evacuation, according to media reports, but were rebuffed by administrators, who have threatened disciplinary action against anyone who tries to leave. (Tehran Bureau could not independently verify these reports.) As one observer commented on X, โ€œWorkers serve the terminal, the terminal funds the IRGC, and the people are expendable.โ€ 

Prisons and rock-cut tombs

The IRGC apparently views not only human capital, but also Khargโ€™s cultural heritage, as collateral damage. A 2020 analysis by Tehran University scholar Ahmad Heidari points to long-term deterioration of the archaeological sites that dot the island and a lack of sustained conservation efforts. The poor state of preservation and gaps in documentation suggest decades of limited oversight. 

These observations are echoed in a video recently circulated on X, in which the speaker visits archaeological sites on Kharg Island and describes their severe neglect. The video takes us to one of the rock-cut tombs dating back to the Parthian dynasty. The site is littered with trash, apparently left by campers and drug users. Layers of cement have recently been slathered over the original masonry forming the roof of the tomb, obscuring the inscriptions on the outer wall. In the west of the island, the video shows Khargโ€™s best-known archeological site: the remnants of a Sasanid-era Nestorian church and necropolis. Here, too, the tops of the masonry have been crudely smoothed over by cement. Across the azure water in the background, an offshore oil pumping station towers against the horizon. 

Like most of its oil infrastructure, Khargโ€™s modern role as a garrison island was established by the Islamic Republicโ€™s predecessors. In the mid-1950s, as described by the academic reference Encyclopaedia Iranica, the island housed 120 political prisoners along with a population of common criminals. The inmates were โ€œtransferred to Kharg from points on the Iranian mainland and other islands such as Qeshm and Hangฤm, each group living in a separate barrack under the watchful eyes of a military base.โ€

Much of Kharg Islandโ€™s oil infrastructure was originally built under the Pahlavi monarchy with significant American technical and financial support, transforming it into Iranโ€™s primary export terminal, according to Encyclopaedia Iranica. During the Iran-Iraq War, the island was heavily bombed, severely damaging these facilities. After each wave of bombing, the IRGC and state authorities scrambled to rebuild and restore operations, underscoring the islandโ€™s strategic importance.

โ€œThe poisoned chaliceโ€

The Iran-Iraq War also brought the realization that Kharg Island contained the seeds of the Islamic Republicโ€™s potential undoing. In the recollection of Ali Hashemi Bahramaniโ€”nephew of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, then one of the central figures directing Iranโ€™s war effortโ€”this realization centered on the credible threat that Kharg, through which the vast majority of Iranโ€™s oil flowed, could be taken out of the equation altogether. The United States, having entered the Gulf to secure shipping lanes, had made clear that it could, if it chose, strike or even occupy Kharg.

That possibility changed the war. It exposed a structural truth: Iranโ€™s part in the conflict, for all its ideological fervor and seemingly limitless human cost, was tethered to a narrow economic lifeline. If Kharg were disabled, Iranโ€™s oil revenues would collapse. If those revenues collapsed, the countryโ€™s capacity to fight would crumble within days.

In Ali Hashemiโ€™s account, this understanding was central to Khomeiniโ€™s decision to accept the ceasefire. โ€œThe US military,โ€ Hashemi later recalled, โ€œnot only shot down an Iranian passenger plane, but by threatening military attack and occupation of Kharg Island, placed Ayatollah Khomeini in a position where he accepted the โ€˜poisoned chaliceโ€™ and agreed to Resolution 598.โ€ 

The threat to Kharg did not immediately end the Iran-Iraq War, but it made clear that the war could not be sustained.

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