Tehran Bureau pursues its one-of-a-kind investigations into Iran’s bonyads and the Khamenei family. The articles here provide unparalleled detail about the clans that run the country’s political business empires.
Despite his links to crime and corruption, Mohsen Rafiqdoust controls prestigious private schools
The custodians of Mashhad’s Imam Reza Shrine have turned the pilgrimage site into a political money machine.
One of the central figures in Iran’s kleptocracy now heads its government.
The former bonyad CEO’s network of “do-gooders” includes embezzlers and sex traffickers.
Eight scandals featuring the former bonyad exec’s business network.
The individuals and organizations behind one of Iran’s most secretive business networks.
Qasem Soleimani’s legacy lies not in his military prowess, but in the business empire he helped create.
The financial institutions behind one of Iran’s most secretive business networks.
An industrialist’s vast business network illuminates how Iran’s political right is beholden to clerical and military elites.
Conflicts of interest, nepotism, and preferential treatment pervade charity ownership among Iran’s ruling elite.
How a wealthy, unelected right-winger pulls the strings of his coalition.
Parliament speaker Mohammad Qalibaf has been filling prominent positions with friends and confederates such as Ahadian, an in-law of Supreme Leader Khamenei.
The Iranian pharmaceutical industry receives over $10 billion in government subsidies annually. It’s also so corrupt and inept that patients sometimes pay with their lives.
The family of IRGC founder Mohsen Rezaei also has the power to veto parliamentary legislation, mastermind covert ops, and direct the content of Iran’s most popular news site.
IRGC founder Mohsen Rezaei cultivates his clan networks in many ways, one of which is Sobh Qarib Iranian Foundation. Though obscure, the Foundation brings together a group of IRGC officers and right-wing clerics whose interests range from high politics to helicopter and pasta production.
An investigation into Tabnak, Iran’s most visited news website, shows how the state-funded outlet serves primarily to advance the private interests of its owner, IRGC founder Mohsen Rezaei.
Public business records reveal a financial connection between IRGC founder and prominent Expediency Council member Mohsen Rezaei, and former Tehran mayor Mohammad Qalibaf, himself a former IRGC commander.
Qalibaf, who previously served as commander of the IRGC’s Khatam al-Anbia conglomerate, struck a controversial deal between Tehran Municipality and the IRGC in 2013. As mayor, Qalibaf awarded Khatam al-Anbia an exclusive four-year $6.06 billion urban development contract in Tehran, bypassing public procurement procedures.
The Dastgheib family is mired in controversy surrounding the surreptitious destruction of cultural heritage sites in the province of Shiraz, and in the apparent bullying of at least one seminary whistleblower who raised the issue.
A prominent newspaper editor who is also a family relative of Ali Khamenei benefited from the forced takeover of reformist media by courts close to the Supreme Leader’s Office.
Outspoken Tehran MP Ali Motahari is known for his fiery speeches and unrelenting criticism of Iran’s conservative leaders, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. But an examination of his family ties and business holdings shows Motahari to be in collusion with the same individuals whom he publicly criticizes.
IRGC mastermind Mohsen Rezaei forms the epicenter of several powerful networks whose members are in key positions in the Expediency Council, a 39-member body with the power to make executive decisions on behalf of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
Gholamreza Tajgardoon is a reformist MP whose illustrious political career is studded with prestigious appointments, awards of merit and one-on-one meetings with regime elites like the late IRGC General Qassem Soleimani.
Recently elected Tehran MP Seyyed Nezamoldin Mousavi owes his political successes to strategic connections in conservative media outlets. His rise to power sheds light on the central role that state-funded media organizations play in Iranian high politics.
My mother once told me that I was conceived in a hotel room in Beirut. “I still remember. It was off of Hamra,” she said, light-heartedly and unsolicited after we had enjoyed dinner and some wine.