This post is also available in: فارسی (Persian)
Survey Results Female Labor in the Informal Sector
In schools, doctors’ offices, bazaars, saffron fields, online stores, and even as auditors in companies sending audits to the state’s social security organization, countless women in Iran work in the informal sector, their labor often unseen and their voices unheard.
To better understand their experiences, our recent survey of thirty women working in this sector uncovers significant insights into their professional lives and reveals a troubling landscape of gender discrimination, economic hardship, and lacking support.
Methodological Approach
The questionnaires were designed to capture both qualitative and quantitative data on demographics, employment conditions, income stability, workplace challenges, and personal encounters with gender discrimination and sexual harassment. A mix of structured and open-ended questions was employed to ensure a comprehensive dataset. Structured questions with predefined options enabled the collection of measurable data such as age, education level, working hours, and income, facilitating statistical analysis to identify trends and patterns. Open-ended questions allowed participants to share personal stories and experiences, providing depth and context to the quantitative data.
We aimed to include women from diverse regions and cities in our sample to gain insights into varied experiences across socio-economic backgrounds and urban/rural divides. Despite the complexities of conducting such a study in Iran, our project team dedicated considerable effort to planning the sample size and diversity, ensuring broad representation across different employment sectors. However, not all sectors and locations could be included, and some areas, like Baluchistan, were not covered.
The interviews spanned various regions of Iran. To ensure security and privacy, the specific places of residence of the interviewees will not be disclosed. Out of the 30 individuals interviewed, 33 chose not to disclose their location. Among those who did provide location information, 53 were from urban areas, reflecting the diverse experiences and viewpoints typical of major urban centers. Meanwhile, 13 of the interviewees were from rural regions, ensuring that voices and experiences from these areas were also represented.
This approach was taken to maintain a balance between urban and rural insights while safeguarding the confidentiality of our participants. The inclusion of a significant number of interviewees from various provinces and cities underscores our commitment to capturing a comprehensive and diverse set of perspectives in our study.
Age Distribution
The average age of the respondents was 33.5. The youngest respondent is a 22-year-old single woman who works as a street vendor, selling socks, t-shirts, women’s underwear, and similar items. Her story shows the hardship faced by young women in the informal economy, particularly in terms of financial instability, safety concerns, and gender discrimination. Despite all efforts to support herself and her sick father, who requires specific medication, she struggles with irregular income and high living costs.
I don’t have a fixed schedule; I can’t say for certain whether I’ll be working for seven, six, or ten hours. Sometimes, if my friends and I manage to sell our clothes and other goods within five hours, I head back home. However, there are times when I’ve had to stay in the metro for up to ten hours until I manage to sell all my goods, as my goal is to earn enough to cover my living expenses.
Street Vendor, 22, Tehran
The oldest respondent, a 49-year-old woman, has worked for eight years in a reception hall as a service worker. Her experiences highlight the multifaceted challenges faced by women in the informal economy, including job insecurity, lack of benefits, physical demands, and safety concerns, such as harassment. Despite her extensive experience, she continues to face instability and lacks formal recognition for her work. She is particularly concerned about aging without any type of formal support.
“I earn five million per month, and they give me a place to sleep with my children. Going home at midnight is difficult and unsafe… My salary is often delayed. School fees for my kids are high, and we don’t have any health insurance… I worry about my safety and the safety of my colleagues. I’m just trying to say that the way things are here isn’t right.” (Hospitality Worker, 49, Location Not Disclosed)
Marital Status
Roughly half of the respondents identified their marital status as “single,” while 26.7% identified it as “divorced,” 23.3% as “married,” and 3.3% as “widowed.”
Both divorced and single women in the informal economy encounter distinct yet overlapping challenges that impact their economic stability and overall well-being. Both experience significant economic hardship due to their sole responsibility for household finances. Economic vulnerability, social isolation, workplace discrimination, balancing multiple roles, and health and safety concerns are prevalent issues for both groups.
Despite working full-time for 10 hours a day, a medical secretary, 43, divorced tells us that she earns only 4.5 million tomans per month (approximately 106.65 USD). She faces difficulties meeting basic needs for her two children and herself.
As the head of a family with two children, who are 8 and 14, I am not even able to pay for the basic needs. I never worked before because I was married. But after my divorce. It’s hard to pay for everything,” A 22-years-old, single fish breeder and street vendor explains: “The working conditions are tough, and I don’t have health insurance. If I get sick, I don’t know how I’ll manage.
Education Level
43.3% of the respondents had finished secondary education/high school, whereas 20% had not gone on to finish high school. Just over 13% completed an associate degree, whereas 10% of the respondents had completed either a bachelor’s or a master’s degree. About 3% of respondents stated that they had received no formal education.
The pattern across all interviews shows that education significantly impacts job opportunities and economic stability for women in the informal economy. However, even those with higher education struggle to find jobs matching their qualifications.
Women with no formal education or those who did not finish high school experience the most severe economic vulnerability and job insecurity. They often end up in informal or lower-paying jobs due to the lack of higher education. They frequently find themselves in unstable, low-paying, and physically demanding jobs with minimal job security.
There is a clear intersection between being from rural areas and the lack of formal employment opportunities. Women from rural regions often face limited access to formal job markets, leading them to work in physically demanding and low-paying jobs in the informal sector.
We stay many long hours in the intense sun and often stand in mud, even sinking up to our knees. Fungal infections, arthritis, and joint pain happens often. We’re also in direct contact with contaminated water, which contains chemicals and pesticides, which increases the chances of getting cancer.
Rice Field Worker, 44, Gilan
The systemic lack of infrastructure and development in rural areas leads to fewer opportunities for career advancement and limited social support systems, contributing to a cycle of low-income and high-risk employment.
“I live in the village. There aren’t many formal jobs here. We have no other industry here,” the same interviewee explains.
Women in urban areas with no formal education also struggle, typically working in retail or in roles such as cleaning, manual labor, and street vending.
A 48-year-old married woman with a high school diploma, who works full-time from home preparing and selling traditional foods like Sabzi and pickled vegetables (Torshi) and distributing these in the bazaar explains that she faces significant challenges, including the lack of proper tools and machinery, leading to frequent injuries and chronic pain from manual labor.
Many with associate degrees are unable to secure jobs in their field of study and end up in unrelated, often lower-paying jobs. Their education does not always translate into better employment opportunities.
Asked why she is working in the informal sector, a 34-year-old woman with an associate degree from Tehran working as a cashier in a supermarket explains:
I never considered the government job situation in Tehran. Even though I read the ads and sat for numerous exams, I never succeeded to the point of being hopeful about securing a job or an official position.
Even those with higher education degrees face underemployment, often working in roles that do not require their level of education.
Years In Industry
The average number of years spent in the industry was 7, with the minimum being a supermarket worker with 2 years and the maximum being a rice field worker with 27 years.
Despite many interviewees having extensive experience in their fields, years of work have never led to significant improvement in their economic conditions or job security. Many remain in the same roles with minimal opportunities for promotion or skill development, regardless of their long-term commitment.
Experience does not protect against economic instability. Many face irregular income and struggle to meet their basic needs.
Even in workplaces where experience is rare, such as for an apprentice sofa cover tailor, long-term experience does not necessarily lead to better pay or job stability. The nature of these roles often means that despite gaining skills, workers continue to face economic challenges and irregular income.
Employment Status
The vast majority of respondents, 83.3%, worked full-time, with a further 16.7% reporting that they worked part-time.
Hours Per Week of Work
The average number of hours per week worked among the respondents was 53.7, with the minimum being 27.5 (a student deputy at a private school) and the maximum being 90 (a cashier and an accountant).
The data from the interviews clearly illustrates that long working hours do not translate into financial stability for these workers. Many are caught in a cycle of extensive labor with inadequate compensation, leading to ongoing financial insecurity and dependence on others for support..
The expenses have really become crippling in Iran, we are living our lives with difficulty, and I have rent to pay. I pay five million monthly for rent, and the rest has to cover all my living expenses. However, I manage to get by.
Accountant at a semi-governmental company, 40, Location Undisclosed
Salary Per Month (Millions of Tomans)
Despite working in various sectors, there is a significant disparity in monthly incomes among the respondents. The average salary is 5.94 million Tomans (approximately 140.81 USD), with incomes ranging widely from as low as 0.3 million Tomans (approximately 7.11 USD) for a saffron farmer to occasionally reaching up to 12 million Tomans (approximately 283.5 USD) for a street vendor. This vast difference underscores the inconsistent and often precarious nature of earnings in the informal sector.
I don ‘t have a fixed income, the average is between ten to twelve million, but well, there were days I had no sales at all. Making up for the day that, let’s say, I had ten to twelve million. For this reason, I can’t say exactly how much daily or how much per month. But around that, I say ten to twelve million income I had, sometimes even less, but the ceiling was twelve million.
Street Vendor/Breeder Fish, 23
Well, given the challenging economic situation in Iran, this income barely is enough; it is really hard. I can only make ends meet with the support of my sister and parents, my brother has a child. One big problem we’re facing is how those machine-made carpets are taking over in Iran, making fewer people want our handwoven ones. I thought it’s important to mention this point. This change is hitting our pockets hard, especially for us who’ve been doing this for years. My pay is way less than what people get in the official jobs out there. Plus, there’s always some issue with getting our money on time. Employers keep saying they haven’t been paid by their customers yet, so they end up giving us our pay in bits and pieces. This means we often have to wait longer than we should for our wages.
Carper Weaver, 30, Undisclosed Location
The interviewee earning the lowest amount, approximately 300,000 tomans per month (around $7), is a rice field worker.
She explains “The work is hard, but it’s not enough money. My husband is sick and can’t walk… It’s hard to pay for everything. The treatment costs are very high, and we have three children. This income is not enough.”
Pay Level Compared To Similar
Based on the interviews, a clear pattern emerges regarding the pay levels in the informal sector compared to similar roles in the formal sector. The vast majority of respondents rated their pay level as a “1” (least comparable to a salary in the formal labor market), with only 12.5% ranking their pay as a “2.”
A 38 year-old bookkeeper, holding a bachelor’s degree in accounting and five years of experience, works approximately 48-50 hours per week and earns 5 million tomans per month. Despite her qualifications, she rated her pay as a “1,” reflecting a significant disparity between her earnings and what she might expect in a similar role within the formal sector. Her income is not enough to cover her basic expenses, including her child’s education and living costs. She also faces payment delays, adding to her financial instability.
When asked if she had personally encountered any gender-related challenges or discrimination in her current workplace within the informal sector, she responded:
Yes, I requested formalization from the department head, but despite several men who started in the informal sector with me now being formalized, my request was denied. I was explicitly told by the department head that if not, you can leave. I can only work here under informal legal conditions.
Bookkeeper, 38, Location Not Disclosed
Income Stability
Half of the respondents reported that their income stability is “irregular.” This means they frequently experience fluctuations and unpredictability in their earnings. Irregular income leads to periods where these women struggle to meet basic needs such as food, housing, and healthcare.
“My monthly income is about five million, but it varies. Sometimes, due to physical reasons, I really can’t work much, or at other times, well, I have to because living expenses are very high. Anyway, I have to manage my work so that it covers my expenses, but I have never been able to earn more than five million. It really doesn’t suffice for my living expenses because I live with an elderly mother who receives a pension, and I can only help with the costs of clothing and food for the house, even though we both are facing severe economic problems with the high costs in Iran.”
Street Vendor, 25, Tehran
A third of the respondents indicated that their income is “stable.” Although stable income offers some level of financial predictability, it is often accompanied by low wages and the absence of benefits. For instance, a 43-year-old medical secretary, who works 55 hours a week and earns 4.5 million tomans per month (approximately 107 USD), reported her income as stable.
16.7% of respondents reported experiencing regular delays in income. Such delays exacerbate financial instability and increase stress, making it difficult for these women to manage their household expenses.
The bookkeeper introduced earlier also says she experiences payment delays. This makes it challenging to cover essential expenses like her child’s education and living costs.
The salary is not enough to cover the rent and my child’s expenses [the school and the transportation service and childcare]. My daughter couldn’t go to kindergarten when she was little because I couldn’t afford the registration fee.
Bookkeeper, 38, Location Not Disclosed
Financial Independence
The findings of the interviews also reveal that the majority of respondents face considerable financial challenges, leading to varying degrees of dependency on others for financial support.
56.7% of respondents identified their financial independence as “partially dependent.” These women manage to cover some of their expenses but still rely on family members or other sources for additional support. For example, a woman who sells and breeds aquarium fish mentioned:
My brother also helps me in terms of financial and home expenses because alone, I can’t handle it.
Fish Breeder, 23, undisclosed location
33.3% of respondents identified as “fully dependent.” These women rely entirely on others for their financial needs due to insufficient income from their informal sector jobs.
“Financially, I am heavily dependent on my family. My father provides financial support because the living costs are very high and we are renting our home in this small town.” (Carpet Weaver, 30; undisclosed location).
Only 10% of respondents identified as financially independent, meaning they are able to cover their expenses without relying on others. However, these cases are rare and typically involve individuals who have managed to secure slightly better-paying informal jobs.
I said financially independent because nobody can really support me financially. I was forced to work in the store.”
Cashier at supermarket, 34, Tehran
Experienced Challenges Accessing Formal Employment
A significant portion of the respondents, 66.7%, reported facing challenges in accessing formal employment due to factors such as gender, race, class, religion, disability, or other identity factors. In contrast, 20% of respondents could not definitively answer because they had not sought formal employment, and 13.3% stated they did not face these challenges. Often, gender and religious discrimination, class and educational background, and lack of connections are mentioned as reasons for not accessing formal employment.
When asked, “Have you experienced challenges in accessing formal employment opportunities due to your gender, race, class, religion, disability, or other identity factors? If yes, please elaborate,”one respondent said:
I applied to many places, but the priority in Iranian offices is always for men. This is a constant challenge in Iran, where men, especially for formal roles, come first, and then the families of martyrs and veterans. This makes it incredibly difficult for us, the general public, to get hired, unless it’s through nepotism. I’ve faced these challenges in trying to secure formal employment.
Bookstore Salesperson, 27, Tehran
(…) I’m not originally from Iran. My mother is Afghan, and my father is Iranian. I’ve often faced challenges, first with my hijab, as in government offices, hijab is a significant criterion, and they easily reject you during the selection process if they decide your hijab isn’t complete, even if you pass the exam. And the second reason is that I’ve been discriminated against because my mother is Afghan. I feel that because of this, we are not prioritized. Iranians are hired first, and then us, if there are any opportunities left.
Coffee Shop Worker, 25, Tehran
Yes. Male-dominant companies in private sectors or research institutes rarely hire women. Also, because I’m Sunni, it is much harder to get a job, especially in the public sector or companies which belong to the state. Besides, people from Veteran and Martyrs families have priority to be hired.
Cosmetics Saleswoman, 41, Tehran, Location Not Disclosed
Another respondent mentioned:
I have applied for governmental and semi-government jobs, but mostly been denied. Mostly men are being employed. And one time I was rejected because of a lack of religiosity and government affiliation. I didn’t know (…) how many rak’ats do we do on Friday when we enter Friday Prayer.
Saleswoman, 27, Location Not Disclosed
It’s hard to find jobs in the formal sector. Mostly they offer one-year or six-month contracts, and there are better job opportunities in the informal sector without the cumbersome regulations of formal employment. Getting a job in the formal sector has become a dream in Iran, and for years, there have been no formal hires. All are based on three-month, six-month, or even daily and weekly contracts. I know places where they even make weekly contracts, which has become a norm, and it’s terrible.”
Worker at a Chain Store, 24, Tehran
A 26-year-old auto parts sales women said:“No, I don’t have experience with the public sector, but I have experienced this in large private companies. In one case, I was rejected by a plastics company after passing the exam and interview because I didn’t have a government employee as a guarantor. Another company, also large and private, offered better conditions than my current job. It was a cardboard manufacturing company. I passed the test and introduction but was rejected in the interview due to my religion; things they were looking for religiously, which I didn’t meet.
Given my educational background, finding a job was challenging because very few places accept just a diploma. I applied to several places, including cleaning companies and government organizations, with my diploma in hand, but even they didn’t want me. They preferred candidates who were recommended by someone they knew, and we had no one to introduce me.”
Street Vendor, 22, Tehran
Yes, I applied for a semi-governmental company. A company that had contracts, we could get insurance and we had some rights, as employers. I applied. But most of the applicants were men and just a few women had the chance to get hired. In another company; it was a headhunter contractor company that used to find jobs in private hospitals. I applied there too, but they said they can’t accept my applications, because they said I’m the head of the household.
Medical Secretary, 43, Location Not Disclosed
Experiencing Gender-related Challenges
Based on the interviews, a significant portion of respondents, 76.7%, reported encountering gender-related challenges in their workplaces within the informal sector, whereas only 23.3% said they had not.
Working in the public, especially the metro, we face taunts from both the young and old, and officers frequently harass us because they don’t permit us to work. I often find myself questioning how I’m expected to earn a living. Should I pursue illegal activities? I choose not to because of this. At least it is a legitimate job that provides for my needs, yet we face constant harassment from metro officers. Often, when we set up our stalls, officers arrive … causing us trouble by confiscating our goods. This type of harassment has become a significant issue for me and other vendors, making our work difficult. Similarly, officers enforcing hijab and dress code regulations frequently hassle us. In recent years, these disturbances and controls have intensified, with officers going as far as to record us, because we don’t follow proper hijab rules, claiming they have captured our violations on film. They threaten to report us to the authorities, saying we’ll be banned from working. Many of us face these threats regularly. I always must be cautious, ready to pack up quickly at the sight of an officer, whether they are enforcing hijab regulations or municipal laws. We also face random harassment, like incidents where we might get touched [inappropriately], which is really upsetting. But we must quickly deal with these situations.
Street Vendor, 23, Tehran
The workspace is completely male-dominated. Men are the workers, apprentices, and mostly the customers, and sometimes they throw sexist remarks and uncomfortable glances. This is the challenge I face in a male-dominated work environment. There is gender discrimination in salary. Men, being considered family heads, get their salaries paid more promptly and often double than women, meaning our salaries are always half of what men earn. This is real gender discrimination in workplaces, and I’ve always had this issue.
Auto Parts Saleswoman, 26, undisclosed location
Yes, men get paid more for the same tasks. There were times when I had to transport cosmetics or other items or run errands during work hours. A man used to do this job before and was paid for it, including taxi fare and extra money. However, when I did the same task, I was only paid the taxi fare and nothing extra.
Salon Worker, 37, Tehran
Observing Occupational Segregation
70% of respondents stated that they had not observed occupational segregation within the informal labor market, while 16.7% reported that they had. This section provides an overview of the experiences and perceptions of these respondents regarding occupational segregation.
Occupational segregation, where certain groups are concentrated in specific job roles within the informal labor market, was noted by a minority of the respondents. One respondent shared:
Yes, two of my colleagues, who are relatives of the company’s owner, are fixed for overtime, and there are special vouchers that the company gives only to them. We, who are not related or known to them, have never received such benefits. This discrimination is quite distressing, and any protest could lead to dismissal. We see all these discriminations but are forced to remain silent, as speaking up could mean losing our jobs, which is critical for me living alone with a child.
Accountant at a Company, 40, undisclosed location
The majority of respondents, however, did not observe such segregation. For example, one respondent remarked:
Well where I worked, mostly women worked, so this issue wasn’t too bad
Carpet Weaver, 30, Hamedan
However several factors may explain why 70% of respondents did not observe occupational segregation. In the informal labor market, workplaces might be relatively homogeneous, either predominantly male or female, reducing the opportunity for segregation to become apparent. Roles might also be more fluid and overlapping, making it harder to perceive occupational segregation. The lack of clearly defined hierarchies can obscure patterns of segregation.
Additionally interviewees might not be fully aware of occupational segregation due to a lack of exposure to different work environments or a limited understanding of what constitutes segregation. This limited awareness can result in a lower perception of segregation.
Sufficient Safety Measures In Place?
73.3% of respondents said that their workplace lacked sufficient safety measures, whereas only 16.7% reported that they did.
A significant number of respondents highlighted the lack of adequate safety measures in their workplaces.
In our lab, we were dealing with non-sterile equipment and inadequate facilities. Two years ago, we faced the challenge of managing highly infectious and contagious waste. But since then, our conditions have significantly improved. The lab manager has taken steps to enhance the lab. Our safety standards and overall conditions have gotten better.
Laboratory Assistant, 33, Location Not Disclosed
In our store, we don’t have good ladders or proper secure scissor lifts. I’m not sure you know that, but last year, a woman died when her scarf got caught in the lift.
Saleswoman, 27, Location Not Disclosed
Because there’s no equipment for moving goods and boxes, we use hand carts for transportation and organization, which is particularly challenging for us women, leading to knee and back pain. If there was a small machine suitable for use in big stores, it could at least lessen our burden. This matter is a major problem and challenge at our job.
Worker at a Chain Store, 24, Tehran
There are issues with sterility; sometimes, there aren’t enough precautions taken by the patients. We also don’t always have standard sterilization products and use chlorine instead; this can be harmful to the lungs. I feel my lungs are already affected.
Medical Secretary, 43, Location Not Disclosed
Another respondent working in a cosmetics salon mentioned the unsafe conditions due to inadequate ventilation and exposure to harmful chemicals:
The main concern I have is working with chemicals like keratin and decolorization cream without proper ventilation or safety equipment. The strong odors from these chemicals have caused breathing problems for me and have had an effect on my lungs, and I can feel it.
Salon Assistant, 37, Tehran
Aware of legal and social support?
Based on the comprehensive interviews conducted, several key issues have been identified concerning gender discrimination, lack of social support, and workplace safety in the informal sector. The findings highlight a significant gap in awareness and access to essential legal and social support mechanisms, with 96.7% of respondents unaware of any available legal protections and 100% lacking access to health insurance, maternity leave, or pension benefits. Additionally, 100% of respondents were unaware of any NGOs supporting women in their sector.
Furthermore, 73.3% of respondents reported insufficient safety measures in their workplaces, underscoring the urgent need for improved occupational health and safety standards. Gender-related challenges were also prevalent, with many respondents suggesting the implementation of formal complaint mechanisms, legal protections, training and awareness programs, and strong management policies to combat gender discrimination and sexual harassment.
A few years ago, there was a health insurance system in place, which allowed people to visit certain hospitals, but it has been canceled since then.
Medical Secretary, 43, undisclosed location
When asked, “What measures do you believe could be implemented in your industry to better combat gender discrimination or any other kind of discrimination and sexual harassment?” the respondents provided various perspectives and suggestions.
One respondent emphasized the importance of having a formal complaint mechanism supervised by a guild or an official body. This would provide workers a place to voice their grievances and seek help:
Well, we could be under the supervision of the merchants’ guild (…) if we have complaints, if we have problems, even we go there, but we don’t have such things in Iran and in no city have I seen that such a person can really be a salesperson being an apprentice. In large and small stores, it doesn’t matter who can really present their complaint or has a specific problem to refer and bring it up and can help them.
Carper Weaver, 32, Karaj
Another respondent mentioned the necessity for legal protections and support systems that recognize informal workers and provide them with security:
We have no support. If only there was a place where we could voice our concerns and requests, but there isn’t.The municipality could register us as vendors and give us some sense of security.
Street Vendor, 23, Tehran
But I doubt they’ve ever considered this.
In fact, they often make things harder for us.
This post is also available in: فارسی (Persian)