Tehran Bureau pursues its one-of-a-kind investigations into Iran’s bonyads and the Khamenei family. The articles here provide unparalleled detail about the clans that run the country’s political business empires.
A list of companies audited by Mofid Rahbar, an accountancy that exclusively services organizations overseen by Ayatollah Khamenei’s office, reveals nearly 200 private businesses linked to the regime. They include book publishing, banking and food-producing brands Iranians encounter on a daily basis.
The Supreme Leader’s Office and the large bonyads it oversees are involved in each step of the gasoline production process, from oil extraction to petrochemical production.
A Doublethink investigation digs up documents that show the Iranian government’s persistent neglect of Hepco’s privatization woes.
The Khameneis and their family members own or control Iran’s major newspapers, publishing houses, news agencies and cultural institutions.
The family of Mohsen Rezaei, IRGC chief for 16 years, has the power to veto parliamentary legislation, mastermind covert ops, and direct the content of Iran’s most popular news site.
IRGC linchpin Mohsen Rezaei’s foundation attracts Revolutionary Guard officers and right-wing clerics with interests from high politics to helicopter and pasta production.
An investigation into Tabnak, Iran’s most visited news website, shows how the state-funded outlet advances the private interests of its owner, longtime IRGC chief Mohsen Rezaei.
A look at the links between Mohsen Rezaei, longtime IRGC head and Expediency Council member, and Mohammad Qalibaf, former Tehran mayor and high-ranking Guard officer.
As mayor, Qalibaf awarded the IRGC’s Khatam al-Anbia conglomerate, which he once headed, an exclusive $6.06 billion urban development contract, bypassing lawful procedures.
The Revolutionary Guard mastermind is at the epicenter of several powerful networks whose members hold key positions in the pivotal Expediency Council.
The path to sucess of recently elected legislator Seyyed Nezamoldin Mousavi reveals the central role that state-funded media organizations play in Iranian high politics.